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Sadr English
Meaning Sadr meaning
What does Sadr mean?
Sadr
Examples Sadr examples
How do I use Sadr in a sentence?
Movie subtitles
Well, Dad. I mean, he had said if I happened to be in the neighborhood of Sadr City or Momoon would I mind torching a couple model homes.
I was with eight of them when our chopper went down outside of Sadr City.
Hosni Al Sadr, enemy combatant picked up by your unit for interrogation.
Hosni Al Sadr.
Iraqi President al-Sadr was on hand to commemorate the occasion and praised Sunni, Shiah, Kurd and Turkoman.
In August, 2004. the holy city of Nayaf it is controlled by the Army of Mahdi. the militia chiíta led for Muqtada to the-Sadr.
Seth's section faced to the militia of Muqtada to the-Sadr.
To Muqtada to the-Sadr he was allowed to escape unharmed.
It took part in the deliberations. on if capturing or to kill Muqtada to the-Sadr?
After the elections in Iraq, on December 15, 2005. the Iraqi Close Alliance. with the party of Muqtada to the-Sadr as principal participant. it occupied almost the half of the benches in the central government of Iraq.
The Army of Mahdi de Muqtada to the-Sadr. it continues the clashes with the forces of the USA.
We went to the office of Sadr to ask him and to request him. but they said that they were not they.
The Army of Mahdi de Muqtada to the-Sadr it was dominating extensive areas. including the enormous district chiíta of the city of Sadr.
Hosni Al Sadr, enemy combatant picked up by your unit for interrogation. Mogadishu, March '07.
Sadr city, iraq, April 12, 2008.
Sadr city.
There was a fifth member of this squad in sadr city.
We know he died in sadr city.
This is a gauntlet run right through the heart of Sadr City.
The Bani Sadr, Amir.
Them bad guys ended up in Sadr City.
Yeah, we had, um. Well, we'd gone to search a warehouse in Sadr City.
We'd gone to search a warehouse in Sadr City.
Not that sadr city and Basra Were my first choices but, hey, You take what you can get.
Or in sadr city, for that matter.
Sadr City. you get one of these medals for getting wounded in combat.
There was a fifth member of this squad in Sadr City.
We know he died in Sadr City.
There was another truck bomb explosion this morning at the market in Sadr City.
The General himself wanted to be here to congratulate you, but he had to return to Arrakis Sadr to coordinate our next campaign.
Well he's been using Arrakis Sadr as his base, and since this is the closest station to that planet, it's a good bet his supply line runs through here.
Lieutenant Anders reported your memory loss after your encounter on Arrakis Sadr.
Well, we'd gone to search a warehouse in Sadr City.
News and current affairs
Of course, attacking Moqtada al-Sadr's Mahdi Army in the name of fighting militia death squads has the potential to draw American military forces into a level of urban warfare unseen since the Falluja assaults of 2004 and 2005.
Al-Sadr is seen as the protector of the Shi'a of Iraq and has are an estimated 60,000 fighters in his militia.
Better to let the Americans do it, though of course these Shi'a leaders prefer a slow strangulation of al-Sadr to a direct and bloody assault.
But make no mistake: how al-Sadr is handled is the big test of Bush's new strategy.
Should the US choose to face al-Sadr and his forces head on, they risk alienating Iraq's largest sectarian community, the Shi'a, adding fuel to the anti-occupation resistance and thus probably dooming Bush to failure.
One Shia leader, Moqtada Sadr, also vehemently opposes federalism.
Sadr opposes federalism because a Shia regional government would obey his enemies, Sistani and the SCIRI, and, he says, fall under Iranian influence.
As a political thug, Sadr is, of course, willing to be bought.
Under the nominal control of the militant cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, the group has become Iraq's largest and best-armed fighting force and is pursuing its own political and security agenda.
Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has also been reluctant to take on the Mahdi Army, mainly because the support of Sadr loyalists in Iraq's parliament is crucial for his political survival.
Sadr can simply hold back and wait the Americans out.
Sadr's militia threatens to quickly become Iraq's answer to Hezbollah: a well-armed, politically connected private army with its own foreign policy.
The more that US forces can degrade the Mahdi Army's position and force Sadr into face-saving political moves, the weaker the militia will be relative to other forces in Iraq after US troops head home.
The Islamic Republic's first president, Abolhassan Bani Sadr, was dismissed from office a year after his election.
Even Libya's Colonel Muammar el-Qaddafi was considered a foe for having allegedly ordered the killing of Lebanese Shiite leader Imam Musa Sadr in 1978.
As a very junior priest who derives his authority from his dead Ayatollah father - himself a populist - Sadr is opposed by Iraq's living Ayatollahs, who despise his ignorance and violence.
It was bad enough to deal with Sadr as a bandit; simple political arithmetic now dictates that he will likely be the central figure deciding the outcome of October's vote on the constitution.
Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki will have to manage relations with firebrand Shia cleric Moqtada al-Sadr and his followers, who can provoke unrest in southern Iraq if they feel under-served.
If Iraqi Shi'ite leader Muqtada al-Sadr and his followers chose to stop their own violence, it was not simply because of the superior firepower of the coalition forces.
No Iraqi political faction wants to be blamed for prolonging the occupation, but most, with the exception of Muqtada al-Sadr's movement, will agree to extend America's military presence by another five years.
In fact, the current escalation points to an increasing political struggle between the federalist position of Shia Prime Minister Nouri Al Maliki and the centralist position of Shiite cleric Moqtada al Sadr.
More than a hundred followers of Ayad Allawi, Al Sadr, and others have joined their ranks.