recreation park English

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recreation park English » English

amusement park

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News and current affairs

For where should they park their money?

South Korean President Park Geun-hye's recent proposal to provide humanitarian assistance despite the recent spike in tension, is a start in the right direction.

The government must ensure that the money supply matches the full-employment level of money demand, and that the supply of safe savings vehicles in which investors can park their wealth also meets demand.

The military dictatorship established by Park Chung-hee in 1962 adopted an aggressive economic development policy, partly to contain North Korea.

The Park government recognized the importance of investing in education, including primary, secondary and tertiary.

Once Korean students overthrew the dictatorship of Park's successor, Chung Doo-hwan, Korean scientists, engineers, economists, and others, returned home en masse, bringing knowledge acquired in the US with them.

High oil prices have created huge export revenues for Middle Eastern governments, which still want to park their earnings in American assets.

So, before we in the West becomes too censorious of China's quality control problems, we should remember our complicity in making China the world's industrial park and global dumping ground for many toxic industries.

The difficulty of repossession (where did the borrower park the car?) and sale (the used-car market is still in its infancy) meant that most of these bad loans had to be written off.

At a time of economic downturn, domestic banks find government bonds a safe place to park their money, making it less difficult for the government to finance its mounting fiscal deficit.

On the contrary, through its low tariffs and general lack of import restrictions, the US has turned itself into an international shopping theme park.

Most Muslims also approved when the police raided and confiscated weapons at the Finsbury Park mosque in London, whose Imam had long preached hatred of the West and support for terrorists.

Though historical disagreements have long hampered bilateral ties, the increasingly nationalistic stance of Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and South Korean President Park Geun-hye has aggravated festering tensions.

But it is also true that Park - who has refused to meet formally with Abe until he addresses lingering issues over Japan's annexation of Korea - has used history to pander to domestic nationalist sentiment.

It is also unclear whether Abe will be able to meet with South Korean President Park Geun-hye.

But Park undoubtedly views her domestic circumstances as anything but rosy; in many ways, this has been an annus horribilis for her and her country.

Complicating matters further is the need for Park to devise a viable response to a new diplomatic charm offensive by North Korea's usually charmless leader, Kim Jong-un.

Park, too, has sent signals that she may want to ease tensions.

With Abe, Park, and Xi each facing daunting domestic challenges, a rare convergence in each country of self-interest and national interest may be creating a chance for improved relations.

South Korea's strongman, Park Chung-hee, current President Park Geun-hye's father, was in many ways a pioneer of the type of society that we now see in China and Russia.

Numerous opinion polls show Park Geun-hye of the ruling Grand National Party (GNP) to be the leading candidate.

South Korean voters of all ages and regions have welcomed Park as a candidate for their country's leadership.

Acclaimed as a national hero among radical right-wingers, the iron-fisted Park Chung-hee ruled South Korea from 1963 to 1979, in the wake of the 1961 military coup, only to be assassinated by his intelligence chief.

Indeed, as a pillar of export-oriented modernity, Park Chung-hee was once lionized as the archetype of a modernizing political leadership in military-authoritarian states.

Park, who lost her first bid for the GNP's nomination to Lee in 2007, needs to ensure that no rupture with her erstwhile rival knocks her off the path to victory in 2012.

To many South Koreans, the election is now Park's to lose.

No one in South Korea's conservative movement doubts that Park is one of them. And, as an icon of the right, she is well aware that she cannot afford to betray her status.

Despite her charisma, Park is neither a Sarah Palin nor an Eva Peron.

Although these criticisms don't seem to bother the electorate very much, Park's path to victory may yet prove narrower than her supporters expect.

Ms. Park once pledged to provide loans for working-class families from elementary school to college years, while contending that local universities should be empowered to have more autonomy.

Park's success will depend, in the end, on the effectiveness of her campaign in further defining her character along those lines.

Unlike former Peruvian dictator Alberto Fujimori's daughter, who lost her presidential bid in Peru last month, Park is likely to defy her family's tragic history.