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cone mill English

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Mannesmann piercing mill

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In Mill's view, we are justified in stopping him only to make sure that he is aware of the danger.
This pattern would not have surprised nineteenth-century economists like Mill or Walter Bagehot, who understood the financial-sector origins of industrial depression.
Another precondition for Mill was the ability and desire of citizens to make considered choices.
They were probably exercised by only a minority of people even at the time when Mill wrote on representative government.
The harder it becomes to discern any rationality in the Bush administration's actions, the louder the rumor mill grinds.
If we agree with Mill, then only one of Gates's examples falls into the category of expression that should be protected.
We may therefore restrict both of them without running afoul of Mill's argument.
In his classic essay On Liberty, John Stuart Mill defended free speech on the ground that free inquiry was necessary to advance knowledge.
For example, the Sulaymaniyah Sugar Mill was bombed during the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980's, but its employees have been paid ever since, though only rats and pigeons now report for work there.
Mill saw that excess demand for some particular set of assets in financial markets was mirrored by excess supply of goods and services in product markets, which in turn generated excess supply of workers in labor markets.
In these circumstances, we can be sure of what Mill would have recommended.
Why, its legal envoys are investigating an anti-dumping law suit against the Kremikovtsi steel mill near Sofia.
Discussions of how far the state may go in promoting the health of its population often start with John Stuart Mill's principle of limiting the state's coercive power to acts that prevent harm to others.
Mill could have accepted requirements for health warnings on cigarette packs, and even graphic photos of diseased lungs if that helps people to understand the choice that they are making; but he would have rejected a ban.
John Stuart Mill, in his classic book On Liberty, considered a situation in which a man sets out to cross a bridge that we know is unsafe.
At a more modest level, hackers were able to destroy a blast furnace at a German steel mill last year.
To be sure, living by Mill's principle often requires protecting the rights of unsavory characters.
The development of modern advertising techniques marks an important difference between Mill's era and ours.
In recent decades, we have experienced a second flowering of the individualism associated with such nineteenth-century thinkers as John Stuart Mill.
In a series of studies, IMF economists have stopped treating the issue as one of good versus evil, and have started treating it as a run-of-the-mill economic choice: capital controls have costs and benefits that can be measured and compared.
In fact, the great nineteenth-century British political thinker John Stuart Mill advocated liberal government without multi-party rule.
Instead of multi-party politics, Mill favored democratic elections constrained by such mechanisms as extra votes for the educated and institutional mechanisms to protect the rights of minorities.
In Mill's view, an open society ruled mainly by educated elites is the most desirable form of government.
Mill owners often built dormitories to house young female workers.
Politics, sociology, history, or medicine: all were grist for the psychoanalyst's mill.
But we do not see a new rush for the works of such figures as John Stuart Mill or Paul Leroy-Beaulieu.
Pleasure is here understood as John Stuart Mill understood it.

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