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Ba English
Meaning Ba meaning
What does Ba mean?
Ba
BA
Synonyms Ba synonyms
What other words have the same or similar meaning as Ba?
BA English » English
Examples Ba examples
How do I use Ba in a sentence?
Movie subtitles
That's very ba and she's frightened horribly.
Do you remember how ba-- Well, you weren't really bad but.
Butch the ba.
That's what I mean. All these horses racing in BA, Rio and Monte, - and you find more British names than Spanish.
That's not good. It's ba.
Cook Ba, order!
O Ba, the soul.
You ba. it ain't fair, jimbo.
Cheers to Liong-Ba!
It's been here longer than you in Liong Ba.
Hey, ba - Baby, baby.
Ba-Bagh-gheera.
Young girl, romantic, attractive, BA degree. would marry college graduate, 28-38 years old.
Ja! ba yerhund das oder die flipperwaldt gespuhrt!
Now, if you come ba.
Ba, ba, ba, ba, ba. So, you fiddle while Rome burns.
Where is the other ba.
Ba-room!
Ba - Bathroom.
Bum, bum, ba-ba-ba-bum, rum-pa-pum-pum-pum, rum-pa-pum-pum-pum.
We're ba.!
Save my ba.
Bum bum bum bum ba ba bum bum you know, i'll tell you.
Someone can make a million manufacturing cheap cigarettes. but a bank employee with a BA can only go bald worrying about finances.
BA - Keynes and Co.
Since I've got my BA, it shouldn't be too difficult.
He ba.
I am learning the ba. the harmonica.
Ba-ah-a.
Ba Long.
Ba Long, You're someone!
News and current affairs
The Ba'athist regime in Damascus is marked by two major formative experiences: Hafez al-Assad's loss of the Golan Heights to Israel, and his son Bashar's loss of Lebanon.
Alas, precisely because of their isolation and the Ba'athist regime's paranoiac nature, the Syrians are unlikely to meet the US condition for peace talks: abandoning their current rogue alliances and their marriage with terror.
It was this Sunni hegemony - and not merely that of Saddam's Ba'athist regime - that was toppled by the United States.
The exclusion rule is a personal issue for elite Sunnis - including thousands of businessmen, professionals, even artists - because, with few exceptions, they were all Ba'ath members.
To be sure, Russians went decades without opportunities to exercise entrepreneurship, while Ba'athist rule did not suppress Iraq's merchant class and entrepreneurial spirit in any comparable way.
Sunnis must be persuaded that neither their minority status nor former membership in Saddam Hussein's Ba'ath Party will exclude them from political and economic life.
The US supported the 1968 coup that brought the Ba'ath Party - and Saddam - to power.
The trial of Saddam Hussein and his Ba'athist cronies offers an ongoing series of embarrassments.
Alliance between the three pillars of the regime - the Army, the Ba'ath Party and the Alawite clans - seems capable of guaranteeing a smooth transition.
Meanwhile, supporters of the former Ba'athist regime in Iraq and others are now busy defending the same old totalitarian mindset.
Interestingly, such retrospective support for Saddam and his dictatorial regime is now being met with growing indignation in the Arab World, because ordinary Arabs are only now learning of the crimes perpetrated by the Ba'ath Party regime.
A second component consists of former Ba'athist officials seeking a return to power.
No one is fully legitimate: neither those who thoroughly compromised themselves serving the Ba'athist judiciary, nor exile returnees.
They have even experimented with homegrown ideologies--Nasserism, Ba'athism, and Khomeinism.
If Assad's Ba'ath party cannot uphold that responsibility, it forfeits its own legitimacy as a participant in any future government.
For example, Fahd Al-Fanek, a former Ba'ath Party member, is now a columnist for the Jordanian newspaper Al-Ra'i.
His Ba'athist government, however, will not go alone.
Both Abu Bakar Ba'asyir and Playboy are now out on the streets and in the public eye, but neither is as significant as its opponents claim.
Abu Bakar Ba'asyir is a radical Muslim cleric who was convicted of blessing the original 2002 Bali bombing, and suspected by some of providing much more.
Ba'asyir was released for the simple reason that the law required it: he had completed his 30-month sentence.
Indonesia's government would undoubtedly prefer to see Ba'asyir languish in jail, but without any legal measure to justify continued detention, it had little option but to release him.
Ba'asyir's release is undeniably unfortunate and possibly dangerous - but it is the consequence of legal proceedings, not any sudden radicalization of Indonesia.
The releases of Ba'asyir and publication of Playboy, however controversial, will not themselves alter this new discourse, but they offer an insightful glimpse into just how dramatically things are changing in Indonesia.