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OSCE English

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At the same time, a range of institutions already deals with the issue: OSCE, the NATO-Russia Council, and the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council, to name but a few.
In Bucharest recently, I was discussing the oversight role of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in my country, Albania, with an expert from that body.
He was surprised to learn that the number of OSCE employees in Albania is equal to that of the entire staff of the OSCE's Vienna headquarters.
The sheer scale of the OSCE's operations in Albania is not what troubles me.
Indeed, who is to decide when the OSCE's mission in Albania is over?
The question is, of course, broader than that of the OSCE in Albania.
Let there be no mistake: the OSCE played a positive role in stabilizing Albania.
Yet, despite these far-reaching changes, the dynamics of the OSCE's presence have scarcely budged.
Indeed, the OSCE still sticks its nose and fingers into pretty much every aspect of Albanian political life.
In Albania, instead of developing and strengthening our infant democratic institutions, the OSCE, in its desire to see its policies implemented, often seeks to bypass or override them.
Of course, the OSCE's presence in Albania does have political backing from large portions of the country's electorate.
Until 2000, the government tended more to rely on the advice of the OSCE, but even since 2001, it has tried to buttress its position by claiming that it gets along better than ever with the OSCE and its mission.
The first is the country's election to the annual rotating chairmanship of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in 2010.
Its selection to lead the OSCE is seen as a reward for President Nursultan Nazarbayev's policy of engagement with the West.
The SCO focuses on regional security, economic ties, and cultural cohesion in much the same way as the OSCE and EU do.
And it just so happens that neighboring Kazakhstan currently holds the chair of the OSCE and will host an OSCE summit in its capital later this year.
But the OSCE was almost completely powerless during the Kyrgyzstan crisis, and only recently was it finally able to secure agreement to send a small police advisory group there.
Of course, the OSCE had very few resources in the region to begin with, but some members, notably Russia, have been unwilling to give the OSCE a larger role.
The keenest proponent of a revitalized OSCE now is the US State Department.
For this reason, US diplomats are lobbying hard for the OSCE, and Kazakhstan in particular, to be given a fair chance.
Among its first victims would be the noble aspirations of the OSCE, and NATO's investment in Afghanistan.
Against this background, efforts now underway to establish a comprehensive multilateral framework for the region can learn from the recent history of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).
This is where lessons from the OSCE's experience are relevant to Asia's budding efforts to establish a regional architecture.
In particular, despite the significant socioeconomic and political differences between the Asia-Pacific region and Europe, the OSCE's confidence- and security-building measures are worthy of careful consideration.
Such measures aim to reduce the risk of conflict by increasing trust among participating OSCE states, and by contributing to greater transparency in the field of military planning and other activities.

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