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Israeli English

Meaning Israeli meaning

What does Israeli mean?
Definitions in simple English

Israeli

A person who lives (or grew up) in Israel.

Israeli

a native or inhabitant of Israel of or relating to or characteristic of Israel or its people

Synonyms Israeli synonyms

What other words have the same or similar meaning as Israeli?

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israeli Jewish Israelites Israelite Israelian Hebrew

israeli English » English

Israelian Israeli

Examples Israeli examples

How do I use Israeli in a sentence?

Simple sentences

Israeli Prime Minister Mr. Netanyahu will be hosted today evening by his German counterpart, Mrs. Merkel, in the Federal Chancellor's Office in Berlin.
What are some good Israeli movies?

Movie subtitles

She has a US passport in the name of Samantha Steel, an Austrian passport for Anna Stein, an Israeli passport for Hanna Stahl.
Now, these are her passports: Israeli, Austrian, American.
Israeli Intelligence.
An Israeli submachine gun.
I'm afraid I must dash, I'm an hour late for the Israeli Embassy.
What's your reaction to the Israeli High Court ruling?
I have told you we are members of Israeli intelligence.
I saw the prisoner exchange at Tel Aviv this morning. one Israeli for 100 Egyptians.
What the Arabs now want isn't Israeli territory, but a pseudo-victory to heal their disappointment.
It's an Israeli work of art.
If the diplomatic service had nowhere to immerse its recruits, the results could be catastrophic, with a pro-Israeli Foreign Office!
The Israeli ambassador has to go.
The Israeli government has denied responsibility for the Aswan Dam disaster, which has so far claimed the lives of over 50,000 Egyptians, though many fear that the final death toll may reach twice that number.
I got that from an Israeli friend of mine.
German or Israeli, what difference?
Then Israeli commandos came after me.
Israeli, Austrian, American.
Israeli agents.
It seems to me that only the Israeli government can prevent that.
Our only mission is to free our comrades from Israeli jails.
I'll do everything in my power to free the Israeli athletes.
If we should give in no Israeli anywhere in the world can feel safe.
I am concerned only with the lives of the Israeli hostages in Munich at this moment.
I'm a disgrace to the Israeli police. -Don't be silly.
You were my last chance in the Israeli police force.
What is the Israeli police doing, just making out reports?
You'll retire with all the rights and with full benefits of a sergeant in the Israeli police force.
I'm finally 20 years on the Israeli police force.
We must go because the Israeli wait for us.
Israeli newspaper?
Yeah, but we also have Israeli passports.
This woman has an Israeli passport and he has an American one.
Look, I want to save you. But they must not be stubborn, they must be reasonable, they must release all these 43 freedom fighters from the Israeli jails.
Yitzhak, I know that no other Israeli prime minister has ever faced such crucial decisions.
The Israeli government has decided to commence negotiation for the release of the hostages in Entebbe.
They're Israeli!

News and current affairs

Since he first appeared at the side of Dr. Chaim Weizmann in the late 1940's during the struggle for Jewish statehood and sovereignty, few people could articulate the Zionist and later the Israeli case with comparable eloquence and conviction.
Yet what appealed to the outside world was not always an asset in the rough and tumble of Israeli politics.
Eban's silence in the last years was not only a product of his disenchantment with Israeli politics or his failing health.
And, over time, Israeli settler disengagement from the West Bank and East Jerusalem has become just as impossible as any attempt by Israel to expel its remaining Arabs.
Basically, there are two species of Israeli hawks: call one kind ideological and the other strategic.
For them, Jewish settlements in the territories are not a return to historical lands, but security outposts, aimed at preventing - or repelling from a better strategic position - an attack on the Israeli heartland.
While this is a reasonable demand, the rest of the Middle East - and, indeed, much of the world, including Europe - regard the root cause of the conflict as Israeli intransigence and arrogance, together with America's blind support for it.
Yitzhak Rabin believed that an Israeli-Arab peace could prevent a nuclear Iran, but now his nightmare seems rapidly approaching.
The Iranians also pledged to stop obstructing the Israeli-Arab peace process.
Israeli bombs and missiles periodically strike the encapsulated area, causing high casualties among both militants and innocent women and children.
A US veto of a Security Council resolution - supported by the Council's 14 other members - to oppose Israeli settlements seemed to signal that Obama had crumbled under pressure from America's pro-Israel lobby.
Indeed, the US has trimmed its presence abroad by refusing to contribute to a eurozone bailout, intervene in Syria, or use force to contain Iran's nuclear breakout (despite strong Israeli support).
Its involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict will likely be limited to maintaining the status quo rather than seeking a comprehensive settlement.
That would certainly satisfy Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu and the Palestinian fringe seeking to weaken the Palestinian Authority.
It is always risky to speculate about hidden motives; nevertheless, systematic disparagement of Israeli society and culture undoubtedly encourages the sense that anti-Semitism, too, is a permitted prejudice.
LONDON - Last month, while in New York City, I happened to be staying in the same hotel as Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu.
The game is to use international recognition of an independent Palestinian state to pressure the US to retreat from its almost unconditional support for Israeli policy.
But, to the hawks who now control Israeli politics, the key to Israel's security depends on depth of defense, for which expansion of the settlements is indispensable.
Israeli Jews are bound to stay in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, and Israeli Arabs are bound to stay in Israel proper.
But it is just possible that unilateral Israeli policy, implicitly backed by the US, will create interim conditions of peace that are sufficient for economic growth to cool Palestinian nationalism.
In the Middle East, despite Obama's vow to re-start the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, progress remained stymied by differences over the scope and content of an agreement and how to bring it about.
I wasted no time in asking the Israeli authorities for permission to travel to Europe.
Hamas and other armed groups, I know, have launched rocket attacks from the Gaza Strip that have killed civilians in Israeli towns and villages.
In February, the German authorities granted me an entrance visa. I wasted no time in asking the Israeli authorities for permission to travel to Europe.
Implicit threats of a unilateral Israeli attack, together with conspicuous meddling in the US presidential election campaign, have compounded Netanyahu's effort to twist Obama's arm.
For it was on a Turkish flagged ship that Israeli forces killed nine people, causing a near-rupture in Israeli-Turkish relations.
This year, as the American-led effort to mediate a Middle East peace settlement began to falter, Turkey took up the job of mediator in both the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the conflict between Syria and Israel.
And events there, including the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, have a broader impact that naturally entails the close involvement of global partners - first and foremost the United States.
Their objective was to create a military buffer between the PLO and Israeli forces that were then fighting in Beirut in order to promote the departure of both.

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